Reprinted
from The Common Good, No 45,
Pentecost 2008
Celebrating
75 years of the Catholic Worker
Jim
Consedine
It
was in the midst of the Great Depression. Tens of thousands were destitute and
homeless, sleeping rough in New York and every other city in the US. It was
time for action. On May 1st 1933, a single mother and new convert to
Catholicism, Dorothy Day, and a small band of supporters took to the streets of
New York and distributed their newspaper, The Catholic Worker, at a workersÕ
rally in Union Square celebrating May Day. This year marks the 75th anniversary
of that historic first step in the building of the Catholic Worker movement.
Dorothy
and co-founder Peter Maurin quickly recognised that to write about things was
one thing Ð but you actually had to practise what you preached if you were to
be authentic. And so they turned rented accommodation into the first Ôhouse of
hospitalityÕ for the homeless. Thus was born what has become the primary thrust
of the CW into the area of hospitality for the poor - providing food,
accommodation, medical care, advocacy and friendship to these most needy and
most precious of GodÕs people. They focused on the poorest and the homeless, so
many of whom found themselves on the streets with no access to resources, much
less a permanent home.
Within
a short time the now familiar Catholic Worker programme of radical analysis and
social action was in place built around its major aims of urban hospitality,
clarification of thought, farming communes and decentralised government to
challenge the combination of Ôbig governmentÕ and the economic power of
multinational corporations and conglomerates. And always its public voice: the
monthly, The Catholic Worker, with a circulation at its peak of 150 000. The
price, then as now Ð 1c per copy.
The
new movement created a challenging mixture, especially when they drew on the
best of Church social teachings and divine authority. Sitting at the heart of
the CW vision were the Beatitudes of the Gospel coupled with the Corporal Works
of Mercy, seen as an everyday practical programme for living the Christ life.
So feeding the hungry, clothing the naked, visiting the imprisoned and
sheltering the homeless became simply the Christian response to community need.
Some
of the most radical teachings of the saints of former times were added to the
brew. Voluntary poverty, whereby people lived simply and shared what they had
with the needy, was one such increment. This was inspired by the life and
teachings of St Francis of Assisi, though stretching beyond them back to St
Basil the Great, who said in the 4th century that Ôwhat you own over and above
for the necessities of life, does not belong to you but to the poor who have
nothing.Õ And St John Chrysostom in the same century called for Ôevery family
to provide a Christ room for a stranger in need of shelter.Õ These ideas
quickly became part of Catholic Worker teaching and praxis.
The
pacifism of the early Church whereby, prior to Constantine in the 4th century,
Christians would not take up arms and kill their fellow human beings was
another primary platform for the growing CW movement. They viewed with
suspicion the Just War theory, seen as an unacceptable compromise with the
State. Added to that were the teachings of Mohandas Gandhi who was living,
writing, teaching and confronting the all-powerful British Empire in India with
non-violent direct action. One had a powerful teaching on non-violence and
pacifism at a time when the winds of war were blowing across Europe.
The
third leg of the original vision concerned Peter MaurinÕs idea of farming
communes Ôwhere scholars could become workers and so the workers could become
scholars.Õ This was coupled to the vision of the Ôgreen revolutionÕ which has
evolved in such a remarkable way through environmental concerns in our own
time.
As
the recognised moral head of the CW, Dorothy showed remarkable leadership and
insight in the 1930s based on her analysis and her commitment to the
non-violence of Jesus and the social teachings of the Church. She refused to
back the Franco-led monarchist/Church alliance in Spain in its war against
republicans who had won the election in 1936. She frequently wrote critically
of the dangers of the Nazi rise to power in Germany, often focusing on the
immorality of anti-Semitism. And she opposed the entry of the US into the war
against Hitler after the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbour in 1942.
The
latter was a very unpopular stance. It split the Catholic Worker. In the space
of a few months three-quarters of its houses closed, reduced from 40 to 10.
Some key Catholic Workers signed up for the military, others sought CO status
and others refused to register and faced imprisonment. Yet Dorothy held firm in
the face of the huge nationalistic fervour and jingoism which grew out of Pearl
Harbour and the US entry into the war. She was adamant: one could not be a
Christian and go to war and kill other people, no matter who they were or what
they were doing.
As
a US citizen and a nationally known Catholic, Dorothy suffered hugely from the
stress that such a public position placed her under. FBI director J.Edgar
Hoover targeted her and she was spied upon and kept under surveillance for much
of her life. That is how subversive the Gospel can be when contextualised and
seriously applied to the events of the time.
However
the most common witness of the CW even during wartime remained its Houses of
Hospitality. Peter Maurin was a great believer in them. He described them as
Ôhouses of sacrificeÕ and also as Ôhouses of Christ.Õ This was based on his
experiences of having lived in flophouses and communities of the poor all over
America for half a century. He saw human dignity under attack in such places.
He saw the difficulties and the possibilities that each day would bring in
sharing oneÕs home with the homeless. But for him it was ChristÕs work and an
opportunity to allow each guestÕs humanity to be recognised. In so doing, he
believed he was actualising ChristÕs sacrifice on the Cross. There are now 185
houses in about ten countries.
After
the war, Dorothy Day set about rebuilding the movement. The context now was the
Cold War and the McCarthy witch-hunts. In the 1950s, after the death of Peter
Maurin, she and many other CWs were often jailed for their opposition to the
arms build-up and the stockpiling of nuclear weapons. Ammon Hennacy, a long
time pacifist, became a prominent leader in the CW during this period in New
York, and had huge influence both on Dorothy and the movement.
In
the 1960s, aided by a renewed vigour from Vatican II, mounting opposition to
the Vietnam War, the rise of student protest to the draft and the advent of
people like Dan and Phil Berrigan, Elizabeth McAlister, Thomas Merton, Jim
Forrest, Tom Cornell, Jim and Shelley Douglass and prophets like Martin Luther
King Jr helped confirm the CW identity around issues not just of hospitality,
homelessness and civil rights but also in opposition to war, racism and the
arms race. Clearly another principle central to Catholic Worker thinking and
practice had emerged. That is the idea of non-violent resistance to tyranny, to
militarism, to war and want and to global inequality Ñ to what John Paul II
later condemned as Ôthe social structures of sinÕ.
This
tradition has been carried through succeeding generations into our own time. It
seeks to Ôexpose evil to the light of the Gospel.Õ The recent action by three
Catholic Workers Ð Sam Land, Adi Leason and Fr Peter Murnane OP - performing a
Ploughshares witness at the Waihopai spy base near Blenhiem is a continuation
of that tradition.
The
latest Nuclear Resister newsletter (April 2008) indicates that a large portion
of people currently engaged in actions against the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan
are from Catholic Worker communities. None of them are famous like Dorothy Day.
But they are as committed in this time and place to the ideals she sought to
instil in the movement in her time. Resistance to state terror and injustice is
now a central part of CW thinking and of CW spirituality.
It
is interesting to reflect that this most disorganised and unstructured
movement, which has no nominated leaders, no legal entity per se, and which has
defied the rules of sociology and not disintegrated upon the death of its founders,
has survived and still breathes the Spirit of the Risen Christ in our age Ð and
arguably is stronger than ever.
Conclusion
We
can take pride in our own history of nearly 20 years of CW witness in Aotearoa.
Beside our three houses in Christchurch and little farmlet near Leeston, there
is a growing CW presence in Auckland, Otaki, Palmerston North and Wellington
and an extended community in the Hokianga. Our free quarterly paper The Common
Good is now 11 years of age and maintains a circulation of 3700, while The
Radical Christian from the Hokianga is in its fifth year.
We
should rejoice that some in Aotearoa/New Zealand have chosen and been
privileged to walk part of these 75 years with our CW brothers and sisters from
around the world. It is a journey that takes us always to the margins of
society, to the poor, to their situations of injustice where their dignity is
impinged, and the Reign of God denied. It is a journey in which we also
continue to confront global capitalism, its wars and injustices and seek to
plant the seeds of the Kingdom of God in our time.
(For
more information Ð contact the Catholic Worker, Box 33-135, Christchurch, or
email Kathleen at doygalpress@yahoo.com).